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Assessing Ortom’s Amnesty programme after 4 years

OCHEI AGBO

As soon as Governor Samuel Ortom assumed office as the fifth executive governor of Benue State in May 2015, he looked for a way of tackling the security challeges that bedeviled the state mostly in the Sankera axis, comprising Logo, Ukum and Katsina-Ala local government areas where militia groups claimed they were helping politicians to win elections. The groups became so strong that kidnapping and killings, which became rampant in the area, began to spread to other parts of the state.

As a former minister and former national auditor of the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Ortom knew that the nagging issue of insecurity in the state was not going to disappear easily. He, therefore, introduced an amnesty programme, which gave those with illegal arms and ammunition, the opportunity to surrender them. By 2016, the amnesty programme had recorded tremendous success with about 600 youths surrendering over 900 illegally acquired weapons and several rounds of ammunition.

Among those that helped the programme to succeed at that time was Mr. Terwase Akwazagh, alias ‘Gana’, who openly surrendered his power bike and assorted weapons as well as explosive devices, which were highly rated by military authorities. From the three senatorial districts of the state, some youths responded positively to the amnesty programme, which was nationally and internationally applauded with the United Nations inviting Governor Ortom to give a talk at an international conference.

As the weapons and ammunition were being destroyed through recommended international best practices, criminal activities subsided in the Sankera area and other parts of the state where people could not sleep with their two eyes closed. In some parts of the state, however, relative peace did not return easily, especially in the Benue South Senatorial District where kidnapping and killings only partially reduced. Law enforcement agencies that keyed into the amnesty programme later helped to rescue many of the children that were abducted or sold out, with many of the masterminds arrested.

The Ortom administration had promised to rehabilitate those that willingly surrendered their weapons, as Terwase Akwazagh, who turned a new leaf through the prayer and intervention of some clergy men became a close friend of the government. The one, who was believed to be notorious, became a key player in the amnesty programme, as he worked closely with security agents to initiate various peace initiatives. After sometime, there came a twist in the amnesty programme, as one of the security aides of the governor was killed in cold blood.

There were accusations and counter accusations between government officials and members of the public with some government officials dragged to court over alleged involvement in the killing of the security aide, Mr. Deneen Igbana. But the case terminated when investigation and prosecution became cumbersome.

As time went on, ‘Gana’ was declared wanted by law enforcement agents over alleged roles in the unfortunate incident. Akwazagh, who was given special protection because of his contribution to the success of the amnesty programme, suddenly became somebody that was being hunted by a group of intelligent officers to no avail. His home was torched in the process, even as some of his aides were said to have maintained that he would continue to be evasive.

Before hope could completely come the way of those that were being tormented by kidnappers, cultists and armed robbers, suspected herdsmen attacks increased in a dangerous proportion with more than 10 local government areas under siege. By 2017, about 13 local government areas had become desolate with agriculture, which was the mainstay of the state’s economy collapsing and poverty and hunger were written boldly on the faces of the people.

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Herdsmen attacks, which reached unimaginable proportion when the then Governor, Gabriel Suswam, was almost waylaid at Tse-Genyi in Guma Local Government Area, spread quickly to Agatu, Okpokwu, Tarka, Logo, Buruku, Apa, Makurdi, Kwande, Ukum, Gwer, Gwer-West and other local government areas with the herdsmen refusing to embrace the amnesty programme. No herdsman respected the amnesty programme nor was any of them disarmed or arrested when the stick approach of the programme was introduced. At that time, the Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association and Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore, continued to vehemently deny that cattle rearers had hands in the lawlessness and killings that were taken place almost on a daily basis. Law enforcement agents were somehow helpless, as their heads maintained that the herdsmen were using more sophisticated weapons.

In many places, key Federal Government functionaries introduced a twist, saying the people of Benue were involved in inter-communal crises. When the herdsmen struck in Agatu, there were indications that terrorists were involved, as sophisticated explosives were used to reduce Okoklo and several other communities to rubbles. While some soldiers sent from the army headquarters and other Federal Government officers visited the state to assess the level of destruction, Governor Ortom continued to ask those affected not to retaliate as conventional security agents would be equal to the task.

Anti-open grazing law

As soon as the anti-open grazing and ranches establishment law was enacted in May 2017 and November of the same year was chosen for its implementation, Miyetti Kautal Hore issued threats of making Benue ungovernable if the law was implemented. According to the organisation, cattle rearers had become used to migration from one part of the country to another and from season to season, so, ranching was not going to be respected by their members. The organisation called for resistance to the implementation of the law and urged its members to rise to the occasion, not minding the provocations that herders and their cattle were causing, destroying farmlands, crops, houses and lives, as they embarked on internecine movements.

In January 2018, the attacks reached their peak with dozens of people killed in Guma and Logo as well as Okpokwu local government areas. By March of the same year, the number of those killed had risen to over 100. More than 70 children, women, youths and the elderly had been killed in Guma and Logo during the January attack. Governor Ortom continued to cry out against the genocidal attacks, which brought activities in the state to a standstill.

The question then was; when would the attacks stop? The answer was not far-fetched, as Ortom’s complaint touched President Muhammadu Buhari, who was said to have belatedly ordered the stoppage of the killings through a directive to the Chief of Army Staff, General Tukur Buratai. Since then, Operation Whirl Stroke has tried to restore relative peace in the state. This was the situation until local skirmishes among the people started recently with scores of people killed within the state and at the boundary with Taraba State.

Amnesty programme under trial

When killings and kidnappings resurfaced in the Sankera area of the state, some persons began to ask questions about the success of the amnesty programme. But this is the one question Governor Ortom alone can answer because he introduced the programme, which was widely acclaimed. Some people also asked whether the recent skirmishes at the Benue/Taraba borders and in Katsina-Ala where a 24-hour curfew was imposed was politically motivated. In Gboko where the son of a PDP chieftain was killed, were politicians involved? How do people get weapons to waste lives after the amnesty programme was adjudged to be successful?

That Ortom is the governor does not mean that he has to answer all the questions. This was why he had to cut short his leave to address the security problems in the state. As soon as he returned, he summoned a meeting of stakeholders in the Sankera axis, Gboko and Agatu where some communities have been having conflicts over a fish pond, which had been taken over by the state government.

To the governor, the amnesty programme recorded success above average because the killings in the state would have been much more than what is being recorded if the youths had not surrendered the weapons they acquired illegally. But, there is also another school of thought, which wondered why herdsmen killings became rampant immediately the programme was introduced and many youths had surrendered what they thought was their strength.

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In a way, one would subscribe to Ortom’s views but it becomes difficult for one to agree totally with his views because the programme recorded little or no success in the Benue South Senatorial District where the youths in Otukpo, Ugbokolo, Okpoga and surrounding villages have taken over the work of policing. Here lies the challenge of insecurity, which Ortom has to face in his second term.

In Agatu where fish pond is the issue, attacks by herdsmen make it difficult for people to totally embrace the amnesty programme, which has advanced from the stage of carrot approach to the stick approach with arrest and prosecution of those involved in illegal acquisition of arms and usage of such arms and ammunition. For this to be done, the state government should partner with law enforcement agencies that are to enforce the implementation of the amnesty programme.

But would the implementation of the stick approach of the programme not be difficult? This question becomes pertinent because suspected cultists, who have been holding sway in some parts of the state, especially in the Benue South Senatorial District, Benue Northwest Senatorial District as well as the militia group in the Benue Northeast Senatorial District may resist arrest. This is where the anti-cultism and anti-kidnapping law enacted at the same time with the anti-open grazing and ranches establishment law should be made to have serious impacts.

When Ibrahim Mohammed was the state police commissioner, no anti-cultism nor anti-kidnapping law was in place but he was thorough in ensuring that in the higher institutions of learning, secondary and primary schools in the towns and villages, cult activities reduced to the barest minimum. Mohammed led the operations that made suspected cultists meet their waterloo and denounced their activities. In Otukpa, the police boss and the then Chairman of Otukpo Local Government, Godwin Obla, SAN, worked assiduously to clear the town of cultists and miscreants.

Now that the amnesty programme and the anti-cultism and anti-kidnapping law are in force, they should be made to be biting. It is about commitment; it is about political will. After all, stakeholders recently told Governor Ortom at a meeting held at the Benue Peoples House that he was at liberty to deal with all criminal elements that were under any cover.

Benue may need another Mohammed to be able to tackle the problems of kidnapping, killings, cultism and other matters that have resurfaced in the state. If Ortom cried out over herdsmen attacks and respite came, then, the same Ortom should be able to cry out again over internal security problems that are trying to return the state to square one. The Inspector General of Police, IGP, Mohammed Adamu, should be able to adequately tackle the problem of militia groups, cultism, kidnapping and so on in Benue State. If the problems are beyond the capacity of the police, the strategy that brought about the introduction of Operation Whirl Stroke should be used.

Governor Ortom should not allow the gains of the amnesty programme as well as the ranches establishment and anti-kidnapping and anti-cultism laws implementation to fritter away. He is known for defending his people, so, he should not look back on that responsibility.

IF SALARIES, PENSION AS WELL AS GRATUITIES AND BENEFITS OF POLITICAL APPOINTEES SOON TO BE DISENGAGED ARE DIFFICULT TO BE PAID, THE ISSUE OF SECURITY, WHICH CAN BE TACKLED WITH SECURITY VOTES, SHOULD NOT BE COMPROMISED. THE AMNESTY PROGRAMME CANNOT AFFORD TO FAIL AFTER FOUR YEARS OF ITS IMPLEMENTATION. BENUE MUST SURVIVE.

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